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Three Questions about Belief-Tracking

Three questions: \begin{enumerate} \item Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic? \item How could belief-tracking ever be automatic given evidence that it depends on working memory and consumes attention? \item Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’ performance on belief-tracking tasks? \end{enumerate}

Q1

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic?

Q2

How could belief-tracking ever be automatic given evidence that it depends on working memory and consumes attention?

Q3

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

ooops, forgot to mention the evidence ...

Automaticity requires (some degree of) cognitive efficiency,

but using a canonical model is cognitively demanding.

[Move ahead to schneiders puzzle and then come back here.]

- working memory

- attention

- inhibitory control

[*todo: lots of references missing from the following, e.g. Quereshi et al; good summary in Schniedier et al 2014 WHat do we know ... paper.]
For adults (and children who can do this), representing perceptions and beliefs as such---and even merely holding in mind what another believes, where no inference is required---involves a measurable processing cost \citep{apperly:2008_back,apperly:2010_limits}, consumes attention and working memory in fully competent adults \citealp{Apperly:2009cc, lin:2010_reflexively, McKinnon:2007rr}, may require inhibition \citep{bull:2008_role} and makes demands on executive function \citep{apperly:2004_frontal,samson:2005_seeing}.
People sometimes argue that what is cognitively demanding has nothing to do with belief ascription but extraneous demands imposed in these tasks. But there is a wide range of evidence (listed on your handout) using different paradigms and carefully controlling for just this possibility (for example, some studies compare tasks that are about beliefs with tasks that are as similar as possible but not about beliefs).
It makes sense to suppose that these cognitive demands are intrinsic rather than extraneous. Compare representing beliefs in a canonical model with measuring temperature using centigrade ...
Let me say one more thing about the cognitive demands of using a canonical model of mental states for mindreading ...

- it makes people slow down

... it makes people slow down \citep{Wel:2013uq}. (Also note that in \citet{lin:2010_reflexively}, even for people with high working memory capacity where no additional cognitive load is imposed, it takes significantly longer to follow an instruction that requires visual perspective taking than to follow an instruction that does not.)

Full-blown mindreading involves:

- using propositions to distinguish mental states

- coordinating modes of presentation

- tracking uncodifiably complex functional roles

Q1

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic?

Q2

How could belief-tracking ever be automatic given evidence that it depends on working memory and consumes attention?

Q3

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

What dissociations? I also need to explain the dissociations ...
Incidentally, the dissociation in performance may well arise for nonhumans as well as for humans. Commenting on their success in showing that great apes can track false beliefs, Krupenye et al comment that ...

‘the present evidence may constitute an implicit understanding of belief’

\citep[p.~113]{krupenye:2016_great}

Krupenye et al, 2016 p. 113

Why do they say ‘implicit’?
I think it’s because they expect dissociations: just as there are dissociations among different measures of mindreading in adults, and developmental dissociations, so it is plausible that there will turn out to be dissociations concerning the tasks that adult humans and adult nonhumans can pass.
Indeed, we can see signs of dissociations if we go back to earlier work with great apes by Karla Krachun and colleagues ...
Krachun and colleagues found some evidence for false belief tracking in chimps back in 2009 (which they downplayed), and also, using another measure, competitive object choice task, they found insensitivity to others’ false beliefs.

Krachun et al, 2009 figure 2 (part)

Chimpanzee anticipatory looking indicates tracking others’ false beliefs.
“Looking. Our second measure was whether participants looked at least once at the container the competitor was not reaching for during the couple of seconds it took E to slide the platform towards them.” “Note that proportions are based only on trials in which participants chose the same container as the competitor [ie: incorrect trials], and for apes in version A the measure was face rather than eye orientation. Bars show standard error. * p < .05.”
Contrast performance on a competitive object choice task. Ropey looking time measure, but nice to have looking time and action measures for a single scenario.
studytypesuccess?
Call et al, 1999object choice (coop)fail
Krachun et al, 2009‘chimp chess’ (competitive)fail
Krachun et al, 2010change of contentsfail
Krupenye et al, 2017anticipatory looking (x2)pass

Q1

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic?

Q2

How could belief-tracking ever be automatic given evidence that it depends on working memory and consumes attention?

Q3

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

So here we have three questions to answer.

Can Minimal Theory of Mind provide answers to these questions?

Recall the construction of minimal theory of mind from last time

Q1

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic?

Q2

How could belief-tracking ever be automatic given evidence that it depends on working memory and consumes attention?

Q3

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

Consider the second question, How could belief-tracking ever be automatic given evidence that it depends on working memory and consumes attention?
Minimal theory of mind means: no propositions; simple functional roles; nothing normative

signature limits generate predictions

Adults

Hypothesis:

Some automatic belief-tracking systems rely on minimal models of the mental.

Infants

Hypothesis:

Infants’ belief-tracking abilities rely on minimal models of the mental.

Prediction:

Automatic belief-tracking is subject to the signature limits of minimal models.

Prediction:

Infants’ belief-tracking is subject to the signature limits of minimal models.

Also Edwards and Low, 2018 ...

Edwards and Low, 2017 figure 7a

Edwards and Low, 2017 figure 7a

Edwards and Low, 2017 figure 7a

Q1

Why is belief-tracking in adults sometimes but not always automatic?

Q2

How could belief-tracking ever be automatic given evidence that it depends on working memory and consumes attention?

Q3

Why are there dissociations in nonhuman apes’ performance on belief-tracking tasks?

Can Minimal Theory of Mind provide answers to these questions?

No!